Italy and the Mediterranean
October 5, 2010 0 Comments
An Italian supply convoy in Libya. The desert provided the
opportunity for rapid advances, but inevitably these would outrun
supplies, forcing them to a halt. This was the main reason why the
pendulum of fortune swung so dramatically backwards and forwards
during the campaign in Egypt and Libya.
Mussolini's overall strategy up until he brought Italy into
the war in June 1940 remains a matter of debate among historians.
During the 1930s he flirted with the western democracies almost as
much as he did with Hitler. His presence at Munich during the Czech
crisis and the part he played in those last days of August 1939
cast him in the role of international mediator. Then again, his
prevarications during the first nine months of the war indicate
that perhaps he just wanted to be on the winning side. Yet, given
the similarities between Fascism and National Socialism, and
Mussolini's strategic ambitions for Italy, it was probably
inevitable that he would in time honour the Pact of Steel.
Mussolini's grand design was twofold. He wanted to create a
major colonial empire in north-east Africa. He had made a
significant start to this with his subjugation of Abyssinia, but to
consolidate the empire he needed to weld Libya physically to
Abyssinia and Eritrea, as well as take over the whole of the Horn
of Africa. Standing in his way were Egypt, Sudan and British
Somaliland, all firmly under the British umbrella. Britain also
blocked him in the Mediterranean, which he regarded as Mare
Nostrum, her mighty Mediterranean Fleet a formidable competitor to
the Italian navy.
In June 1940 it seemed, on paper at least, that Mussolini had
a relatively straightforward task. Britain herself was now on her
own and under imminent threat of invasion. She could hardly be in a
position, therefore, to reinforce the Mediterranean theatre. The
British Mediterranean fleet had its main base at Malta, which was
within easy air-striking distance from Sicily. Force it to withdraw
and the Royal Navy would be confined to the periphery, being
reduced to operating from Gibraltar or Alexandria, while Italy
controlled the central Mediterranean.
On land the picture looked even brighter for Italy. The
British Commander-in-Chief Middle East, General Sir Archibald
Wavell, had 63,000 troops in Egypt, Palestine and Iraq. These had
not only to defend these territories against external threat, which
now included Vichy French Syria, but also to police them. Indeed,
in Palestine the Arabs had resorted to violence in their protest at
the influx of Jewish refugees and the situation had only been
brought under control on the very eve of war after a three-year
counter-insurgency campaign. In contrast, in Libya alone there were
250,000 Italian and indigenous troops. To the south, Italy could
field a further 300,000 troops in the Horn of Africa, while the
British garrisons in Sudan, British Somaliland and northern Kenya
numbered a mere 10,000. In the air, the situation was the same. The
Italians had nearly 500 aircraft based in Africa, with a further
1,200 which could be deployed from Italy. The RAF, on the other
hand, had a total of a mere 370 in Egypt, Palestine and East
Africa, and almost all of these were obsolete types.
Yet, unlike Hitler's strike against Poland, Mussolini launched
no immediate blitzkrieg. Instead, the opening of the war in the
Mediterranean was marked by a few scattered air attacks by both
sides. He did, however, have plans to invade Egypt from Libya, but
these were temporarily frustrated by the death of his supremo in
Libya, the internationally renowned aviator Italo Balbo, who was
shot down by his own anti-aircraft guns during a tour of
inspection. This lack of positive activity did, however, encourage
the British screening forces in Egypt to maintain a policy of
aggressive patrolling, which included the capture of two Italian
frontier forts. In retaliation, the Italians took frontier posts in
southern Sudan, but did not penetrate further, while at sea the two
navies had their first major clash on 9 Jul~ After its flagship was
hit, the Italian navy remained in port for the next few
weeks.
In August the pace began to quicken. The Italians quickly
overran British Somaliland, threatening the entrance to the Red
Sea. At the same time the exiled Emperor Haile Selassie organized a
revolt within Abyssinia. Churchill, too, made a crucial decision.
He had already agreed to the reinforcement of the Mediterranean
Fleet and now ordered 150 precious tanks to be sent from Britain to
Egypt via South Africa so as not to risk their loss in the
Mediterranean. They had, however, not arrived when the long-awaited
Italian invasion of Egypt began on 13 September.
The British plan was to withdraw from contact and not to offer
battle until the Italian advance reached Mersa Matruh, where
defences had been prepared. The reason for this, and one that would
dominate thinking during the desert campaign, was that east of here
there would always be an open southern flank, which could be easily
turned. At Mersa Matruh, however, any defensive position could
always be anchored on the impassable Qattara Depression to the
south. Yet, to the surprise of the British, the Italian advance was
hesitant from the outset and came to a halt after just three days.
Now, sixty miles into Egypt, the Italians constructed a series of
fortified camps, while they brought up more supplies.
A few days later the tank reinforcements from Britain finally
arrived and Wavell ordered a counter-attack to be planned. The
Italian commander, Marshal Rodolfo Graziani, realizing that the
British now had superior tank strength, both in numbers and
quality, decided not to risk a further advance, in spite of
Mussolini's urgings, and remained in his fortified camps.
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